- Table of Contents
-
1. Tom
Daschle in Pursuit of Bad Taste
2. On
the Death Penalty
3. On the
IRS
4. An
Open Letter to JoDean Joy
5. On
Zoe Baird
6. On
Charles Rhines
7. On
the Child Abuse and Neglect Law in South Dakota
8. On
National Health Care
9. More
On the Late Zoe Baird
Any one of these editorials may have
appeared in any number of South Dakota newspapers, but
I'm not aware of their publication. --Bob
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- Tom Daschle in Pursuit of
Bad Taste
(1992)
For several hours in September the awesome force of
federal government was brought to bear on one small
brewery's foolhardy exercise of its First Amendment
rights. Yep, our boy Tom (Daschle, that is), really came
through fer us. And I was proud, 'cause this is why we
pay him the big bucks (about ten grand a month, that
is).
Seems Hornell Brewing committed a breach of good taste at
a bad time. See, they called this new malt likker o'
theirs "Crazy Horse". Now don't get me wrong, I don't
like that idea any better'n you do. Fact is, I think
anybody who commits a crime of breach of taste ... well,
y' just can't think of a suitable punishment. But runnin'
a small brewery outa business seems like a good
start.
Well, ole Tom, he agrees with me on this'n. He rams a
bill through the Senate, and it subsequently passes the
House, to make Hornell Brewing quit using the name "Crazy
Horse", 'cause it's disrespectful to this ole Indian
chief who stomped the stuffin' outa Custer and then some
Army corporal shot him in the back or something about a
hunnerd years ago, and 'cause by using that name they're
gonna increase poverty on the reservation, and when they
quit usin' that name there's gonna be jobs on the
reservation and people 'r' gonna quit drinkin'.
And, personally, I think it's about time. Next, we're
goin' after the Washington Redskins and the Atlanta
Braves. Then? Then the world is ours. Pontiac, Seattle,
and Ogallalla, you'd better be thinkin' about what yer
gonna call yerselves in about a year, 'cause it ain't
gonna be Pontiac, Seattle, or Ogallalla, ''r anything
else which could possibly offend anybody.
Come to think of it, I'm startin' to git offended that
they're using the name "Washington" for the place wherein
they cut this budget thing. Y'know, the deal where they
spend all our money and then some? I think we (me and
Tom) oughta pass a bill changin' the name o' that place.
How about "Dillinger"? Yeah, "Dillinger, District of
Consumption". How 'bout it, Tom? I mean, it'll only take
a few hours, and you know how to do it. I'll he'p.
Challenges? Supreme Court? Constitution? Don't worry.
Nobody who gets a job in the Federal Government has ever
read the Constitution.
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- On the Death
Penalty
written 1/7/92
It's getting exciting as the race heats up. Who's gonna
be the first South Dakota state's attorney to get
somebody fried in over thirty years?
We watch in frothy anticipation as respective prosecutors
are asked by reporters to speculate on whether they will
ask for the death penalty, often for an
as-yet-unidentified murderer, often before the victim's
body has even cooled.
We're glued to our TV/newspaper/radio as the
investigation progresses and the gruesome details of the
crime are revealed. We smile grimly and nod as suspects'
names are released. We cheer and slap each other on the
back as suspects are arrested and await extradition to
South Dakota where the prosecuting attorney makes his
dramatic announcement--he will ask the jury to put this
man to death and propel the then-obviously-deserving
state's attorney into history and the governor's
office.
Well, maybe "fried" isn't the proper word, but it's sure
a lot more pleasing to the ear than "lethal injection".
How to colloquialize that phrase? "Pickle"? Doesn't seem
to have that certain ring. Ah, well, the result is the
same--the perpetrator is dead, and a wrong has been
righted, and the next guy has been deterred from killing
an innocent.
No? Statistics say that the death penalty has not been
connected with deterrence? Well, it sure deters the one
who gets it, doesn't it?
What? You think that if it's wrong for me to kill someone
with premeditation then it's wrong for the "people", the
"state", to kill someone with premeditation? Even as
punishment for the spilling of innocent blood? Why?
You say that the death penalty is applied erratically.
That there is often the chance that the convicted could
be later proved innocent, and what good is posthumous
exoneration? That no amount or style of execution will
bring the victim back. That life without parole is a more
civilized method of dealing with incorrigible or
particularly gruesomely violent people. That no other
country in the industrialized world still executes
offenders. That killing someone is simply wrong.
How about in self-defense? The law and common sense
dictate that I can kill you justifiably if I believe that
you are mortally or gravely threatening me or someone
close to me. Wouldn't that apply to these monsters who
walk among us and kill some of us on occasion in
circumstances and manner which make us cringe and shiver
and put bars on our windows?
Yes, I know the law says that self-defense does not apply
from the moment you remove your threat to me, or at the
time you have removed yourself from the scene at which
you have killed my friend. I know the law says that
vengeance is not sufficient cause to justify my tracking
you down and killing you after the heat of passion has
cooled. You think that law should apply to the state? You
think that the state should have to obey the laws it
enacts to govern your and my behavior?
You want to simply put these people in prison and deny
the rest of us the suspense of watching as the death row
list grows and the clock ticks down on those waiting
there. You want to deny the news media the
attention-grabbing device of reporting the literally
life-and-death trial and appeals process drama. You want
to deny the various state's attorneys the passionate
speeches to their county commissions asking for more
funding because the upcoming capital trial and inevitable
appeals will cost the county's taxpayers five times as
much as a trial asking for life in prison.
What would you force us to do? Our prisons are already
over-crowded. What? 60% of those in prison are
non-violent drug offenders? A million prisoners who
didn't hurt anyone at a cost to us of $30,000 per year
each? Well, it seems pretty simple to me, then. Stop all
this coddling. Let the victims' families hire hit-men to
track down the killers and shoot 'em. That way we'd have
all of the good and none of the bad. The cost is born by
those who have a direct interest, no new prison bed is
occupied, and the media can still entertain the rest of
us with another blood-splashed true story.
Then we can start working on a real deterrent to crime.
Death to all who violate any law. It's at least the
solution to recidivism and takes the burden of
"rehabilitation" off the rest of us.
Fry 'em, Dan-o.
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- On the
IRS
1/18/92
The judicial branch has again joined forces with the
legislative and executive to strike at entrepreneurs. On
Tuesday, January 17, the Supreme Court agreed with the
IRS that taxpayers can't deduct home office expenses if
they do the most important part of their jobs
elsewhere.
The Washington Post reported that "independent
contractors and other self-employed workers who do
paperwork in home offices but conduct their main business
at other sites" can no longer deduct a percentage of
expenses for their houses as an office, even if they have
no other place to do administrative work which no one
denies is necessary to their careers.
The Supreme Court reversed what has been a standard
practice for the self-employed, a practice which would
seem to fall under the IRS's general rule permitting
write-offs for "ordinary and necessary" expenses in
carrying out business, provided the room is used
exclusively for business regularly. The point of
contention was that the room also has to serve as the
"principal place of business".
So, while I, a writer, can claim a deduction for the room
in which I work, my next-door neighbor, a builder, can't.
He does the "most important part of his work", i.e.
pounding nails, somewhere else, even though he must use a
part of his home--which he can't use for anything else
because of the drafting table, desk, and files which fill
it--to draw blueprints and bill his work.
He could build a shack in his back yard, move the
"office" out there, and deduct the cost. He could rent
office space somewhere else and deduct the cost. The
result would be a net loss to the IRS, because of the
higher expense incurred. The IRS knows full well most in
his situation will not do that.
On the other hand, the self-employed person who has an
office separate from his home, who deducts the cost of
maintaining that office, violates the law with impunity
every time he writes a personal note, pays a personal
bill, or makes a personal phone call from his office.
According to the same logic used by the IRS and Supreme
Court, that person negates his deduction by having a
photo of his wife and children on his desk. The office
must, after all, be used exclusively for business.
It's obvious that the IRS is out of control, that it is
conducting a systematic assault on free enterprise. The
IRS would much rather we, all of us, worked for one of
about five corporations in the United States, with taxes
being withheld from our paychecks, and having no
legitimate deductions. It would be much neater that
way.
This most recent ruling is just another example of why
the IRS must be bridled. No one expects the federal
income tax laws to be observed precisely. The existence
of the 9,000-page IRS manual, which even its own experts
can't interpret, is prima-facie evidence that the system
is not designed to be effective. It's primary use is one
of intimidation, laws to be enforced when someone needs
slapped down, laws to be interpreted as they need to be
to convict the unfortunate of the moment.
If the current congress and president do nothing else,
let them overhaul this monster, this arbitrary instrument
of destruction to peoples' lives. Meanwhile, we
entrepreneurs will simply do what we can, when we can,
diddling the IRS out of every dime we can, and being
almost universally silently cheered by everyone else.
It's no longer held to be unpatriotic, since no one
thinks the money is being wisely spent, anyway. It's not
much, but it's the principle that counts, right?
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- An Open Letter to
JoDean Joy
-
written in early 1992
I am truly grateful for the provision in South Dakota law
which provides citizens the opportunity to refer
initiatives to the ballot. It is an indispensable
safeguard against the encroachment on civil liberties
which is a natural tendency of legislatures. I am happy
to grant JoDean Joy the right to take an issue in which
she believes to the people for ratification.
South Dakota legislators have, in their recent session,
passed a number of laws which run contrary to a
reasonable person's view of individual liberty. Some of
these laws almost certainly will be taken to court and
struck down as unconstitutional, as they should be. It
would be of help to all of us if someone with the time
and energy Ms. Joy demonstrates would take up the banner
of liberty against the ilk of some of these laws, e.g.,
all. three abortion restrictions enacted this
session.
However, in raising bet limits for Deadwood gambling, the
legislature did at least take a few faltering steps in
the right direction. Faltering, because the bill was
discriminatory against small operators and because it set
limits. But it did head in the right direction, and it's
what we have to work with at the moment. Ms. Joy's
initiative would reverse progress.
You see, I have this old-fashioned view that an adult
should be able to do what he wants to do with his own
money. I have no special love for gambling as an
institution, although I've been known to sit at a poker
table. However, I think a person should be allowed to
waste his income in any manner he chooses.
JoDean Joy apparently feels that gambling at $5 a shot is
tolerable, but that gambling at $25.00 or more per toss
is not. I submit that she should allow those doing the
tossing to make those decisions. What most non-gamblers
don't understand is that, simply because the law allows
an establishment to offer games in which a participant
may bet $25.00, games in which lower amounts are bet will
still exist, in fact, will still be far in the
majority.
The sugar coating under which the pill of gambling was
prescribed to the state in 1989 had upon it printed,
"Deadwood Historic Preservation". Anyone with a mind
realized that those words were there to make the pill
palatable for those who think that the rest of us need
government to prevent us from harming ourselves.
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- On Zoe
Baird
-
1/19/92
Why are we even discussing this matter? Zoe Baird has
been nominated to the position of chief law enforcement
officer of the nation. She admits having knowingly broken
the law. Continuously. Over a long period of time. She
admits having broken another law to hide the commission
of the first offense. Her name should have been withdrawn
by the president-elect by now.
Baird is Clinton's choice for Attorney-General of the
United States. She and her husband employed two illegal
aliens, a Peruvian couple, as housekeepers, knowing they
were illegal aliens. That was the first crime. The Bairds
then omitted withholding social security deductions and
submitting same to the government, because doing so might
cause a whistle to be blown. Crime number two. You or I
would go to jail for that. As a matter of fact, I did.
For less.
Clinton forgave because "Ms. Baird came clean. She
admitted her wrongs willingly and and fully." Right. She
came clean because someone who knew about her
transgression told her that if she didn't, they
would.
Now, I don't think that what she did was all that big a
deal. Neither does almost anyone with whom I've spoken.
And that may be the point. Ms. Baird broke a law that no
one takes seriously. Except when some federal law
enforcement officer is looking for some reason to give
for punishing someone. Like about half of all federal
laws, the one about hiring illegal aliens is not meant to
be obeyed. Quite the opposite; it's meant to be broken,
then used as leverage, intimidation.
In this case, it's simply proving embarassing, since no
one wants to enforce it on Ms. Baird. To do so would open
a can of worms. So, Congress seems perfectly willing to
let her pay the social security taxes she failed to
withhold, along with a fine, and say she's been punished.
They can then get back to their business of passing more
laws, more instruments of intimidation. Laws that Ms.
Baird will be charged with enforcing.
One of the most cynical comments on this case came from
Orrin Hatch, Republican senator from Utah: "Sure she made
a mistake, but she admitted it. I get really tired of
this attitude I hear all the time that someone's life
should be ruined just because they made a mistake."
Mr. Hatch should perhaps think of all those enduring
draconian sentences in federal prison for drug violations
because of the inhuman mandatory sentencing guidelines
which have taken judgment out of the hands of federal
judges. In many of these cases, a teenager will spend
life in jail with no possibility of parole for a first
offense which neither cost the taxpayers money nor harmed
anyone. In all too many of these cases, the offense would
not have been committed without the urging of undercover
cops who create the crime in order to make the bust. Mr.
Hatch supported these mandatory sentencing
guidelines.
Spending life in prison is the ruination of a life. On
the other hand, most of us don't consider our lives to be
in ruin just because we're not Attorney-General of the
United States. But then, it's all relative, I guess.
After all, Imelda Marcos, would have considered owning
only 2000 pairs of shoes the equivalent of ruin.
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- On Charles
Rhines
1992
It was a gruesome crime. The honest, well-liked young man
came to work to find his former co-worker robbing the
shop. The burglar, a repeat felon, killed the young man,
stabbing him repeatedly after he was bound, then
dismembered the body. The burglar made off with about
$2000.
Charles Russell Rhines was apprehended in another state,
on the basis of admissions he'd made to acquaintances. He
then made taped admissions to law enforcement officers,
who followed all proper guidelines to ensure their
admissability.
The state's attorney said he wanted Rhines to die by
lethal injection.
The process which followed was nearly as gruesome as the
crime itself, perhaps in some ways more so.
The judge appointed three attorneys for Rhines. One was
from the public defender's office. The other two were
prominent criminal lawyers from the city. This was to
avert the possibility of a reversal by the Supreme Court
on the basis that Rhines was not properly
represented.
Rhines' attorneys offered to plead their client guilty if
the state's attorney would agree to a sentence of life in
prison without possibility of parole. The state's
attorney held firm--he wanted Rhines to die by "lethal
injection of an ultra-short-acting barbiturate in
combination with a chemical paralytic agent".
For the prosecutor, there was no other option. In South
Dakota a jury has to sentence a man to death; a judge
can't do it. Therefore, it was necessary to hold a trial
to find a man guilty of a crime to which he had confessed
and to which he had offered to plead guilty.
It was necessary to spend several days choosing a jury
with which the prosecutor felt comfortable, a jury which
would have no problem voting for the death penalty if
they were convinced that the facts warranted it. It was
necessary to spend several more days outlining for the
jury the exact circumstances of the crime, to show them
photos of the body, to repeat the grisly details of each
blow, each stab.
It was impossible for the jury not to find the defendant
guilty. He had confessed under legally permissible
circumstances. They twice heard his voice on tape,
confessing. The only decision they had to make was
whether he spent his life in prison with no possibility
of parole, or had a needle stuck in his vein and
poisonous liquids injected. All the prosecutor's trial
presentation was designed to persuade the jury to
prescribe the latter remedy.
The state's attorney, by opting for trial instead of
accepting a guilty plea, had a winner on several levels.
The guilty verdict was a foregone conclusion, so the only
issue was the death penalty. Had the jury opted for life
in prison, no one could blame the prosecutor. He assured
state-wide news coverage of his attempt to insure
justice--helpful in case one harbors ambitions for office
beyond county level, and not harmful if one doesn't.
Watching local news coverage after the jury returned its
death penalty, I saw the family of the victim emerge from
the courtroom, saw the victim's mother hug the
prosecutor, saw the victim's fiance¥ smile nervously
at the camera as if she weren't quite sure what face to
put on for the public.
It's not likely that I shall ever be able to say that I
understand what those people have endured, first learning
of the terrible atrocity, knowing their son and loved one
had been tortured, then having to endure the dramatic
replay necessary for the purposes of the prosecutor.
But I do know this; killing Charles Russell Rhines will
not change a single thing about he did to the young man.
I also know this; for us to kill Charles Russell Rhines
by strapping him to a table and placing a needle in his
vein and injecting poison through it makes us into
something like him.
I also know that the approximately $200,000 which will be
spent by Pennington County in convicting the killer who
offered to plead guilty, and in defending the conviction
through the automatic appeal could have been better spent
in providing help and counseling to some fifteen-year-old
whom, because of lack of funding, will not receive the
help necessary to guide him through a brutal adolescence
which will produce the next Charles Rhines.
Part of the justification for killing a killer is that it
will deter another from committing the same offense. Part
of what's wrong with that argument is that the very types
of crimes prescribed by South Dakota law to deserve the
death penalty are the types of crimes committed by people
who don't have the capacity or inclination to consider
the penalty at the time they commit the crime.
Any potential killer knows that if he's caught, he'll
likely spend life in prison. If he's rational, the
difference between that and being executed is
unimportant. Unfortunately, those who kill in the manner
of Charles Rhines are not rational. Are we?
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- On the Child Abuse and Neglect
Law in South Dakota
1993
Child abuse and neglect is a serious problem. It is
incumbent on us to protect our fellow citizens from harm
forced upon them, inasmuch as that is possible, and
inasmuch as "harm" can be defined satisfactorily. This is
particularly true of our responsibility to children.
I have no doubt as to the good intentions of the South
Dakota state senators who voted in favor of extending the
definition of child abuse and neglect to include dealing
and/or consuming illegal drugs or substances in the
presence of "young" children. However, the highway to
Hell is paved with good intentions. This is another brick
in that highway.
We humans have yet to arrive at a consensus on the
definition of "good parenting". Until we do, we would be
well advised to tread very carefully when it comes to
passing legislation which extends the power of the state
into folks' homes and private lives.
Prior to this extension of the definition of child abuse
and/or neglect, violations generally involved physical
harm or gross negligence in providing for a child's
welfare. In other words, parents who beat their children
"excessively" or who starved them or left small children
alone for "long" periods of time were adjudged
incompetent or unworthy to raise those children.
There's always been a huge problem with application of
the child abuse/neglect law. When does discipline become
abuse? Under what circumstances is it permissible to
leave a child unattended, and for how long? Only the most
extreme cases are unambiguous.
Now the senate of South Dakota has taken a step towards
making at least one circumstance unambiguous.
Unfortunately it's a foolish, thoughtless step in a weird
direction.
The national hysteria over consciousness-altering
substances has again contributed to government's taking
another bite out of personal liberty and to extending
government's not-so-benevolent parent role in our
lives.
I call it hysteria, because we face a lot more serious
problems than whether someone chooses to get high or not.
I call it hysteria because we have for some twenty years
now been centering more and more on one small, albeit
legitimate, area of concern, while giving free rein to
abuses which threaten us immeasurably more.
I don't advocate or condone drug use of any sort. It is
not, by any stretch of the imagination, beneficial to a
child for his parents to deal or use drugs. But it is not
prima facie evidence of child abuse to smoke a joint in
front of a child. To arbitrarily make it so makes a
mockery of the law.
By the logic exercised by the sponsors and supporters of
this law, then every time a parent breaks a law, the
state should take his/her children. If a parent runs a
stopsign or speeds, he/she should forfeit parenthood. If
parents cheat on taxes, litter, or turn without
signalling, they should lose their right to be
parents.
To extend the logic, everything a parent does which is
not beneficial to a child should be illegal. If a parent
calls his child stupid, the child should be taken by the
state. If a parent smokes cigarets or drinks beer, if a
parent is obese, if a parent is illiterate, if a parent
swears, does not fasten his/her safety belt, does not
take his/her children to church, to the right church
....
This is, simply, a bad law. It opens the door to much
more bad law, of which we already have an overabundance.
This bill still has to get past the House. There is still
a chance sanity will prevail. But I doubt it. It's said
that no one is safe while the legislature is in session.
The truth of that statement is apparent in Pierre right
now.
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- On National Health
Care
-
written
2/3/92
We get sick. We get hurt. Eventually our bodies cease
functioning and we die. We agree on this about as
universally as we do on anything.
The attempt to extend, to deny, our mortality is almost
as universal. It's part of the natural selection process,
the attempt to be a successful species.
Humans have subverted natural selection by their
application of medical knowledge. In other species the
sick and infirm die, limiting the passing on of
undesirable tendencies. Humans spend huge amounts of
energy (read "money") keeping their sick, infirm, and
aged alive.
We generally approve. It is a product of our compassion,
our intelligence, our humanity. Given this ability, it
would be unnatural for us not to use it.
But rational humans agree that there is a point at which
it is no longer practical to expend energy (money) to
extend the life of another. We disagree often on when
that point arrives. We disagree on whose money should be
spent and how to collect it.
Enter the federal government. Having assumed the right to
extend its power far beyond the basic facilitatory
functions outlined in the preamble to the Constitution,
and having assumed the right to collect a portion of our
incomes to finance its extended authority, it has
naturally assumed the right (the government calls it a
"responsibility") to "provide" all of us with "adequate
medical care".
In 1965, Medicare and Medicaid became facts. Prior to
that, people either chose their own medical care
providers and paid their own bills, bought their own
insurance, or relied on family, friends, or charity to
subsidize expenses. Of course, many went without.
In 1992, senior citizens pay a larger portion of their
incomes for the Medicare deductible than when they paid
100 per cent of the bills themselves. For the rest of us,
non-subsidized medical care is out of reach unless we're
in the top 15-or-so per cent in annual income. Of course,
many go without.
About 15 per cent of the income received by medical care
providers is spent fulfilling the requirements of
Medicare/Medicaid, i.e., filling out forms. Since
Medicare/Medicaid covers only certain procedures and
mandates the price for each, providers naturally do as
many covered procedures as possible on each covered
patient, regardless of the procedure's necessity or its
cost to a self-payer.
Now the debate in Washington is on how to extend this
boon to all of us.
We seem to have trouble learning a simple lesson.
Whenever the federal government sets out to do "X", "Y"
happens. The only rational direction to take is one of
less government involvement in our lives, regardless of
the apparent intent of that involvement. Medicare and
Medicaid are financial disasters for all except those who
administer them. They cost more money than the problem
they attempt to solve. They depersonalize the attention
our doctors give us. They encourage our taking less
personal responsibility for our own well-being.
A more comprehensive national medical program can only be
a larger disaster. Those of us who live "healthy" lives,
paying attention to exercise, nutrition and
stress-reduction, will subsidize those who don't. Some
will lobby for more stringent regulation on both the
"greedy" care providers and on those who utilize them,
providing an excuse for more government interference.
About half of all money spent on medical services is
spent on people during the last year of their lives. I
have the right to expend my own fortune pursuing another
six months of life. The government has no right to take
your money to extend my life another six months.
Impersonal decisions are made every day about who will or
won't live a while longer, who gets a life-extending
organ transplant, who gets available time on a dialysis
machine. That won't change.
Since virtually no one can afford medical insurance or
self-payment, our lives have become consumed by worry
over what will happen to our families, to us, if we
sustain a work-stopping injury or disease.
The proposed answer is to nationalize, collectivize, all
health coverage. South Dakota's U.S. Representative was
never more amusing during the 1992 campaign than when he
attempted to justify a national "sharing of risk" while
claiming, "I'm not suggesting socialized medicine".
Further nationalizing medicine will assure higher prices,
more administrative costs, and less care delivered. He
knows that, endorses it, while claiming he doesn't.
The simple truth is that we can't afford to splurge our
resources in this futile exercise. To do so is to assure
poverty, strife, and lack of productivity for us all.
The only rational path is in a direction of reducing
government involvement. Encourage people to take more
responsibility for their own actions, to live healthier
lives, and allow them to keep more of the money they earn
so they can pay their chosen care-provider for services
they and the provider decide they need. The eventual
result will be lower prices for all services and a
tendency towards the return of family and community
support for the truly needy.
We get sick. We get hurt. We die. National health
insurance can affect nothing about that except to make
the consequences more expensive. We pay the bills;
"government" doesn't.
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- More on Zoe
Baird
1993
It was, indeed, a strange deal. The United States
Attorney-General-designate was in front of the U.S.
Senate judiciary committee admitting she had knowingly,
over the course of two years, violated two federal laws.
And she still expected to be confirmed.
The senators, mostly, supported her. Until they started
geting phone calls at the rate of 5000 a day--running
95-to-1 against confirmation. The new president supported
her up to the point it became apparent the senators were
jumping ship.
And we just looked at each other and rolled our eyes. We
weren't surprised by any of it. We knew that among those
who make more than $500,000 pr year, as do the Bairds,
that the criminal code means something different from
what it means to the rest of us.
We knew we couldn't expect the senate judiciary committee
to do the right thing on their own. These were, after
all, the same bunch who confirmed Clarence Thomas to the
Supreme Court after everyone in America watched him lie
to them. No, not about Anita Hill. He lied when he said
he had never thought about the Supreme Court decision
concerning "Roe v Wade". There is not a literate American
over the age of fifteen who has not considered "Roe v
Wade", whether or not he or she calls it by name.
The prize for cynicism in the Baird case goes to Utah
Republican Senator Orrin Hatch (also one of the stars of
the Thomas hearing). He said, "Sure she made a mistake,
but she admitted it. I really get tired of this attitude
I see all the time that someone's life should be ruined
just because they made a mistake." How many people do you
know who think their lives are in ruin because they are
not Attorney-General of the United States?
We now know that we can't accept at face value any of the
promises Bill Clinton made to us. Like, he was gonna hold
his administration to an exceptionally strict ethical
standard. Like, he was gonna make this a better country
for those "who work hard and play by the rules".
Now, the question is, do any of them get the real point?
The real point is, nobody thought that what Zoe Baird did
was wrong. She and her husband hired a Peruvian couple,
illegal aliens, and paid 'em cash to be housekeepers and
babysitters because you can't withhold and submit taxes
on illegal aliens without sending up flags on yourself.
Big deal. It's done all the time.
Everybody, everybody, who can diddle the IRS does so.
Anybody who's looking for help hires whoever fits the
bill. Illegal? Yes. Wrong? We tend not to think so.
That's the real point.
These, like about half of all federal laws, are not
designed to be obeyed. On the contrary, they're designed
to be broken, to be used at the convenience of an FBI
agent or US Attorney for leverage and intimidation.
Who's getting punished in the Baird case? The Bairds paid
their back taxes and a $3000 fine. That's not punishment
to someone who makes half a million smackers a year. No,
the INS has issued a summons to the Cordero's, the
Peruvian couple. They're goin' back to Peru, if they can
be found. That's who's gettin' punished in this deal.
The real point here is that we're sick of having to put
up with stupid laws, whimsically applied. Laws which make
it close to impossible to start a business, to offer a
service, to fill a demand. Laws which are ignored with
impunity by those with money and power. Laws which are so
ill-defined that conviction or exoneration is a matter of
whether a jury personally likes the defendant. That, and
whether the defendant can afford a lawyer who knows what
he's doing.
For example, almost daily, we see evidence of
price-fixing in Rapid City. Every time gasoline prices
change, within minutes every station in town has the new
price posted. Senators and Representatives have told us
they can find no evidence of a violation.
What they are saying is that the anti-trust laws are
stupid, and that we're stupid for thinking they're gonna
waste their time prosecuting a few small-time gas
distributors in some backwater town. No, anti-trust laws
are to be saved to slap some big corporation who happens
to get caught in bed with the wrong people when the
opposite party is in power.
The real point is that we're starting to see what a price
we're paying for the endless stream of unenforceable and
contradictory laws whose purpose is to both make justice
so complex and convoluted that it is non-existent, and to
further restrict the freedom of the marketplace. The real
point is that we can't tolerate the arrogance of someone
who would assume she can wink at something on national
television which would get one of us thrown in jail and
then expect us to accept her as the chief law enforcer of
that very law.
Unfortunately, since those who passed a great deal of
these unenforced, unenforceable laws are the same ones
who are now taking our angry phone calls, we're in for a
generation or so of government-by-straw-poll, decisions
taken on the basis of the tally on a secretary's score
card. Just call 1-900-DUMB LAW.
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